Revealed: how elderly paid price of protecting NHS from Covid-19

Sunday Times October 25th 2020

INSIGHT INVESTIGATION

Insight | George Arbuthnott, Jonathan Calvert, Shanti Das, Andrew Gregory and George Greenwood Sunday October 25 2020, 12.01am, The Sunday Times

Revealed: how elderly paid price of protecting NHS from Covid-19

While ministers delayed lockdown, soaring cases were putting immense pressure on hospitals. Our investigation shows officials devised a brutal ‘triage tool’ to keep the elderly and frail away.

On the day Boris Johnson was admitted to hospital with Covid-19, Vivien Morrison received a phone call from a doctor at East Surrey Hospital in Redhill. Stricken by the virus, her father, Raymond Austin, had taken a decisive turn for the worse. The spritely grandfather, who still worked as a computer analyst at the age of 82, was not expected to survive the day. His oxygen levels had fallen to 70% rather than the normally healthy levels of at least 94%. Vivien says she was told by the doctor that her father would not be given intensive care treatment or mechanical ventilation because he “ticked too many boxes” under the guidelines the hospital was using. His age, sex, high blood pressure and diabetes would all have counted against him under the advice circulating at the time. His family fear the hospital was in effect rationing healthcare while infection levels approached a peak. “He was written off,” she said.

Unusually, Vivien and her sister were allowed to visit their father one last time, provided they did so at their own risk, wore personal protective equipment (PPE) and scrubbed down afterwards.

What they saw horrified them. Vivien described it as a “death ward” for the elderly in a complaint she later made to the hospital. Inside, were eight elderly men infected with the virus who she describes as “the living dead”. As they lay “half-naked in nappies” in stifling heat, it was like a “war scene”.

While the sisters sat by their father, the man in the next bed died alone. They found an auxiliary nurse in tears outside the ward. “We said, ‘Are you all right? What’s the matter?’ And she just said: ‘They’re all going to die and no one is doing anything about it.’”

Their father died later that day without being given the option of intensive care, which the family believes might have saved him. They fear he was a victim of triaging guidelines that prevented many elderly patients from being given the care they would have received before the pandemic’s peak.

An Insight investigation can today reveal that thousands more elderly people like Raymond were denied potentially life-saving treatment to stop the health service being overrun — contrary to the claims of ministers and NHS executives.

The distressing and largely untold story of the lockdown weeks is how the NHS was placed in the impossible position of having to cope with an unmanageable deluge of patients. Despite warnings the prime minister had procrastinated for nine days before bringing in the lockdown and during this time the number of infections had rocketed from an estimated 200,000 to 1.5 million.

It meant Britain had more infections than any other European country when they took the same drastic decision, as well as fewer intensive care beds than many. Before the pandemic hit, the UK had just 6.6 intensive care beds per 100,000 people, fewer than Cyprus and Latvia, half the number in Italy and about a fifth of that in Germany, which had 29.2.

As a result, the government, the NHS and many doctors were forced into taking controversial decisions — choosing which lives to save, which patients to treat and who to prioritise — in order to protect hospitals. In particular, they took unprecedented steps to keep large numbers of elderly and frail patients out of hospital and the intensive care wards so as to avoid being overwhelmed.

In effect, they pushed the problem into the community and care homes, where the scale of the resulting national disaster was less noticeable. Downing Street was anxious that British hospitals should not be visibly overrun as they had been in Italy, Spain and China, where patients in the city of Wuhan were photographed dying in corridors.

During this time, a veil of secrecy was placed over the hospitals, and the government would emerge from the crisis of those early spring months to claim complete success in achieving its objective. “Throughout this crisis, we have protected our NHS, ensuring that everybody who needed care was able to get that care,” the health secretary, Matt Hancock, proudly declared in an email to Conservative supporters in July. “At no point was the NHS overwhelmed, and everyone who needed care had access to that care.”

But could this claim be true?

They ran out of body bags
As part of a three-month investigation into the government’s handling of the crisis during the lockdown weeks, we have spoken to more than 50 witnesses, including doctors, paramedics, bereaved families, charities, care home workers, politicians and advisers to the government. Our inquiries have unearth ed new documents and previously unpublished hospital data. Together, they show what happened while most of the country stayed at home.

There were 59,000 extra deaths in England and Wales compared with previous years during the first six months of the pandemic. This consisted of 26,000 excess fatalities in care homes and another 25,000 in people’s own homes.

Surprisingly, only 8,000 of those excess deaths were in hospital, even though 30,000 people died from the virus on the wards. This shows that many deaths that would normally have taken place in hospital had been displaced to people’s homes and the care homes.

This huge increase of deaths outside hospitals was a mixture of coronavirus cases — many of whom were never tested — and people who were not given treatment for other conditions that they would have had access to in normal times. Ambulance and admission teams were told to be more selective about who should be taken into hospital, with specific instructions to exclude many elderly people. GPs were asked to identify frail patients who were to be left at home even if they were seriously ill with the virus.

In some regions, care home residents dying of Covid-19 were denied access to hospitals even though their families believed their lives could have been saved.

The sheer scale of the resulting body count that piled up in the nation’s homes meant special body retrieval teams had to be formed by police and fire brigade to transfer corpses from houses to mortuaries. Some are said to have run out of body bags.

NHS data obtained by Insight shows that access to potentially life-saving intensive care was not made available to the vast majority of people who died with the virus. Only one in six Covid-19 patients who lost their lives in hospital during the first wave had been given intensive care. This suggests that of the 47,000 people who died of the virus inside and outside hospitals, just an estimated 5,000 — one in nine — received the highest critical care, despite the government claiming that intensive care capacity was never breached.

The young were favoured over the old, who made up the vast majority of the deaths. The chief medical officer, Chris Whitty, commissioned an age-based frailty score system that was circulated for consultation in the health service as a potential “triage tool” at the beginning of the crisis. It was never formally published.

It gave instructions that in the event of the NHS being overwhelmed, patients over the age of 80 should be denied access to intensive care and in effect excluded many people over the age of 60 from life-saving treatment. Testimony by doctors has confirmed that the tool was used by medics to prevent elderly patients blocking up intensive care beds.

Indeed, new data from the NHS shows that the proportion of over-60s with the coronavirus who received intensive care halved between the middle of March and the end of April as the pressure weighed heavily on hospitals during the height of the pandemic. The proportion of the elderly being admitted then increased again when the pressure was lifted off the NHS as Covid-19 cases fell in the summer months.

The government’s failure to properly equip the NHS with adequate PPE or testing equipment made an impossible job even harder. Not only were doctors and nurses overrun with patients, but they themselves were exposed to the virus, and the lack of testing meant that thousands had to spend time isolating at home, as they did not know if they were infected. It left hospitals dangerously understaffed.

All the while, seven Nightingale hospitals — in London, Manchester, Harrogate, Bristol, Birmingham, Exeter and Sunderland — stood mostly empty, suffering from the same shortage of intensive care staff. Those vacant beds would be used by the government to make the claim that the NHS was never overwhelmed.

Dr Rinesh Parmar, chairman of the Doctors’ Association UK, which represents frontline NHS medics, said his members had reported that many dying patients had been deprived of access to care they would have normally received at the beginning of the pandemic.

“In reality, the late lockdown allowed far more infections to spread across the country than the NHS had the capacity to cope with,” he said. “It left dedicated NHS staff in the invidious position of having to tell many critically unwell patients who needed life-saving treatment that they would not receive that treatment. Those staff will be mentally scarred for a long time as a result. They dedicate their lives to caring for people and never expected to be left in such a situation.”

Dr Chaand Nagpaul, chairman of the British Medical Association (BMA), said: “It is manifestly the case that large numbers of patients did not receive the care that they needed, and that’s because the health service didn’t have the resources. It didn’t have the infrastructure to cope during the first peak.”

The Doctors’ Association and the BMA believe there should have been an independent inquiry into the handling of the pandemic by the government so that its lessons could be applied to the second spike, which is rising fast.

Parmar added: “Without learning from this, the government appears to be repeating the same mistakes by overruling its own scientific and medical advisers, failing to take action and knowingly walking into another disaster in this second wave of the pandemic with its eyes wide open.”

‘Critical incident’ declared
In the week before the lockdown, the pandemic had hit the NHS in London — the first hotspot for the virus — like a hurricane. Despite the warnings about the threat, the government had not provided hospitals with sufficient PPE and its decision to stop contact tracing blindsided the NHS as to where and when the first wave would crash down.

The answer came on Thursday, March 19, when Northwick Park Hospital in Harrow, northwest London, declared a “critical incident”. Cases had been building at the hospital since it had been designated as the screening centre for people with Covid symptoms arriving at Heathrow.

But the population in the surrounding boroughs served by the hospital was already badly affected by the contagion. Hundreds came to the hospital seeking treatment for the virus in a fortnight and more than 30 people died in the area from infections that week alone. It meant Northwick Park had more patients than it could cope with and it began shipping them out to the surrounding hospitals.

The incident was a demonstration of how harrowing and time-consuming it would be for NHS staff to treat large numbers of patients. Nursing staff would have to sit holding the hands of dying patients in plastic gloves because their relatives were not allowed onto the wards.

Drastic measures were needed to keep the numbers down in hospitals so that clinicians could deal with the first wave of cases, which had come significantly earlier than the government had anticipated. In the last week of March, the numbers of daily deaths from Covid-19 in the capital hit triple figures and would surge even higher.

The London Ambulance Service had prepared by increasing the threshold for the severity of symptoms that a coronavirus patient would have to typically exhibit before they would be taken to hospital. The service uses a simple chart called News2, which scores each of a patient’s vital signs and gives marks on breathing rate, oxygen saturation, temperature, blood pressure, pulse rate and level of consciousness. Abnormal indications are given a higher mark. A score of five is usually sufficient for a patient to be taken to hospital.

However, on March 12 that threshold score was increased to six. “I believe it was changed because of the volume of calls and the capacity issues,” one London ambulance paramedic explained. “There were so many people to go to. There was just a period before the lockdown where no one really knew how to deal with it.” As a result, many seriously ill people were left in their homes — a policy that was dangerously selective, according to medics.

Dr Jon Cardy, a former clinical director of accident and emergency at West Suffolk Hospital, said that in normal times patients would often be referred for critical care if they scored just five on News2. “If I had a patient with an early warning score of six ,” he went on, “I’d be saying: ‘This person certainly needs hospital treatment.’ You can’t leave them at home with a cylinder of oxygen and a drip. They could easily deteriorate into multiorgan failure.”

Indeed, for many people in the initial deluge of cases, it was too late by the time their condition was deemed so serious that a paramedic team was rushed out to them. Shortness of breath was one of the key criteria for taking people to hospital, but many suffered a condition known as “happy hypoxia”. Their oxygen levels would drop dangerously without them noticing.

These people often suffered heart attacks before an ambulance could reach them — and they would not necessarily receive quick treatment because in London the average call out time for an ambulance almost trebled to more than an hour in late March.

An ambulance clinician in south London at the time said: “I saw a lot of Covid deaths in people’s homes. Too many. The critical care paramedics on call would just go from cardiac arrest to arrest to arrest. They were seeing five, six, seven of those patients a day, back to back, in their areas.”

The guidance was then changed on April 10 to advise that people scoring between three and five should be taken into hospital for assessment. The paramedic said it was changed because too many patients who needed urgent care “were just being left at home”.

Deaths from heart problems doubled compared with previous years during those early weeks of lockdown, according to figures from the Office for National Statistics (ONS). An adviser to the Cabinet Office said mortuary staff were shocked by the number of bodies being delivered from homes by special recovery teams that had been set up to handle the surging body count.

“The staff were seriously questioning why so many deaths were taking place at home,” the source said. “We did not explain to the public that this was the delicate balancing act — we’ve reduced the likelihood of getting an ambulance but we’ve increased the response teams to pick up bodies in people’s homes.”

Patients cleared out
In the last weeks of March, the hospitals were in the process of clearing out patients at the government’s request in readiness for the expected big surge in infections in early April. Sir Simon Stevens, the NHS chief executive, wrote to health trust chief executives outlining plans to free up a third of the UK’s 100,000 hospital beds.

His letter said he had been advised by Whitty and the government’s scientific advisory group for emergencies (Sage) that the NHS would come under “intense pressure” at the peak of the outbreak.

He asked hospitals to assume that they would need to postpone all non-urgent operations by mid-April or earlier, which would save 15,000 beds, and ordered that 15,000 “medically fit” patients should be ejected from the beds and found places in the community.

The health secretary presented emergency legislation to parliament that week to slash “administrative requirements” to help facilitate the mass discharge.

As hospitals continued to fill, the prime minister held a brainstorming session on the phone with his director of communications, Lee Cain, and key advisers from the general election and the Vote Leave campaign to create a new slogan for its fight against the virus. They came up with the words “Stay at home, save lives”, and “protect the NHS” — a key policy from the Conservatives’ successful election campaign — was suggested.

The now familiar slogan “Stay at home, protect the NHS, save lives” was launched at a Downing Street press conference by the prime minister the following day, Friday, March 20. Later, it would be heavily criticised because it could be read as a simple instruction telling everyone to keep out of hospital to preserve the NHS.

This was, after all, a key government objective, especially when it came to intensive care beds. That day, a meeting of the government’s moral and ethical advisory group (Meag) was told that Whitty’s office had been working with a senior clinicians group to devise ways to “manage increased pressure on staff and resources” caused by Covid-19. He wanted advice on the ethics of selecting who should be given intensive care treatment — and who should not.

It was total anarchy
The evening of March 23 was an extraordinary moment in the nation’s history. The prime minister had been at his most headmasterly when he sombrely announced from his antique desk in Downing Street: “From this evening I must give the British people a very simple instruction — you must stay at home.”

Two days later, Whitty dialled into an important meeting. He had asked the members of Meag, who include academics, medics and faith leaders, to consider a controversial document that had been prepared in response to his request for ethical guidance on how to select which patients should be given intensive care in the pandemic.

The document — obtained by Insight — is highly sensitive because it recommended giving a score to patients based on age, frailty and underlying conditions, to see whether they should be selected for critical care. It was intended to be used as a triage tool by doctors, and the initial version under consideration that day effectively advised that many elderly people — who were the vast majority of patients being treated for serious infections of Covid-19 — should not be given intensive care treatment.

Since any total over eight meant a patient would be given ward-based treatment only, the over-80s were automatically excluded from critical care because they were allocated a score of nine points for their age alone. Most people over 75 would also be marked over the eight- point threshold when their age and frailty scores were added together. People from 60 upwards could also be denied critical care if they were frail and had an underlying health condition.

The document — headed “Covid-19 triage score: sum of 3 domains” — had been created the previous weekend by Mark Griffiths, a professor of critical care medicine at Imperial College London, after Whitty’s request to Meag. The professor has declined to discuss the document.

Twenty members of Meag attended the meeting, with Whitty acting as an observer. Some of those present expressed concern about the use of age as an “isolated indicator of wellbeing” and questioned whether such selection might cause distress to patients and their families. One member later expressed their outrage that the triage tool discriminated against the weak and disabled.

A second version of the document, entitled the “Covid-19 decision support tool”, was also drawn up and circulated in the days after the meeting. This raised the score for specific illnesses, but lowered the marks given for age.

It was still effectively advising that anyone over the age of 80 who was not at the peak of health and fitness should be denied access to intensive care — as would anyone over 75 years old who was coping well with an underlying illness. A source says a version of this document with the NHS logo was prepared for ministers for consideration on Saturday, March 28.

According to Professor Jonathan Montgomery, Meag’s co-chairman, the documents were not formally approved or published at the time. He said they were designed only to be used if intensive care capacity had been reached — which the NHS says never happened. But Montgomery acknowledged that they had been distributed to doctors and hospitals as part of the consultation process. “We were aware that some of them were looking at that tool and thinking about how they might use it,” he said. “Some of them were using it.”

A source involved in drawing up the triage tool from the Intensive Care Society said it was sent to “a wide population of clinicians” from different hospitals, including specialist respiratory doctors dealing with the most seriously ill Covid-19 patients.

Insight’s research suggests that two versions of the triage tool were in circulation during the height of the pandemic. In late April, the largest health region in Scotland, NHS Highland, even posted a version of the original document, which excluded 80-year-olds, on the patient information section of its website, with its logo emblazoned on it. The only significant change from the original document was that women scored one less point than men.

This was marked as the document’s fifth version, which would be reviewed again in July. NHS Highland now says the publication was “in error” and was not used, but it refuses to explain how it came to be published or which part of the government or health service had passed the document on to it.

Doctors elsewhere in the country have confirmed their hospitals did use the type of age-based system proposed by this government-commissioned triage tool to prevent intensive care beds being filled beyond capacity by the elderly. One doctor said he had been told by other medics the triage tool’s age-based criteria was applied at hospitals in Manchester, Liverpool and London at that time.

The doctor described how the tool was followed so carefully at his large Midlands hospital that dozens of intensive care beds were kept empty in readiness for younger, fitter patients. He said almost all patients in his hospital aged over 75 died in the non-critical care wards without emergency treatment during that period.

If they had been given intensive care, they might have survived. In the few cases in other hospitals where patients over 80 with the virus were given intensive care, 38% survived and were discharged alive during the first wave of the outbreak, according to figures from the Intensive Care National Audit and Research Centre.

April the cruellest month
The death toll from the virus was rising steeply to hundreds each day by the last weekend in March. The lockdown had been a success in its first week by swiftly cutting the rate at which the virus was reproducing, but the large numbers of people who had caught the disease before the measures were introduced meant that April would indeed be the cruellest month.

There were two key places where infections remained high. The Sage committee was seriously concerned about how hospitals were becoming breeding grounds for the virus because of the lack of PPE and insufficient testing capacity to check whether staff were infected.

Many staff were unable to work after contracting the virus and others self-isolated needlessly because they or their family had symptoms that might have been ruled out by a test. NHS staff absence rates were a record 6.2%.

The other place where Covid-19 seemed to be thriving was in the place that was supposed to be sorting out such problems: No 10. As the virus swept through the cramped Georgian building, from the prime minister down, it meant that, as April began, there was a vacuum at the top of government. There were also 13,000 people in hospital with the virus and more than 600 dying each day. It was only going to get worse.

The prime minister was isolated in his flat above No 11 Downing Street with food being left at his door but was still nominally in charge. An ashen-looking Hancock, who had also contracted Covid, returned to work on Thursday, April 2, and made the bold claim that there would be 100,000 virus tests a day by the end of the month. He acknowledged that it has been his decision to prioritise giving the tests available to patients rather than NHS staff. Despite the obvious problems caused by the lack of testing, he claimed: “Public Health England can be incredibly proud of the world beating work they have done so far on testing.”

Age discrimination
While it was always inevitable that the virus-stricken prime minister would be given an intensive care bed, others were not so fortunate. The selection of patients for intensive care was already taking place and the methods being used bore a remarkable similarity to the recommendations in the triage tool that Meag members had discussed a week earlier.

This hidden triaging approach was spotted by two of the country’s leading experts in the critical care field: Dr Claire Shovlin, a respiratory consultant at Hammersmith Hospital and professor of clinical medicine at Imperial College London, and her colleague Dr Marcela Vizcaychipi, an intensive care consultant at Chelsea and Westminster Hospital who lectures in critical care at Imperial.

They were shocked to see that in the first week of April large numbers of people were dying from Covid-19 without being given access to intensive care. They did an analysis of the national figures and set out their concerns in a letter to the Emergency Medicine Journal two weeks later.

Their study showed only a small proportion — less than 10% — of the 3,939 patients who were recorded as having died of Covid-19 by Saturday, April 4, had been given access to intensive care. This was particularly worrying, according to their study, because a separate analysis of those who had survived showed the “crucial importance” of intensive care in providing support for patients “most severely affected by Covid-19”.

When they then compared the numbers of deaths from the virus in the normal wards with the number of intensive care beds said to be available in the UK, they came to a disturbing conclusion. Hospitals not only appeared to be withholding intensive care from patients who might benefit from such treatment, but they were actually being too overzealous and doing so more than was necessary given the available capacity.

This led the two experts to question what criteria the clinicians were using to choose which patients should be denied potentially life-saving treatment. In their study they expressed particular concern about “a Covid-19 decision support tool” that had been “circulating in March”, noting that it used a number of factors that meant men, the old, the frail and those suffering from underlying illnesses were less likely to be admitted to intensive care. Their description exactly mirrors the tool commissioned by Whitty and submitted to Meag.

The medics wrote: “Implementation of such tools could prevent healthy, independent individuals from having an opportunity to benefit from AICU [adult intensive care unit] review/admission by protocolised counting of variables that do not predict whether they would personally benefit from AICU care.”

Their paper concluded: “Current triage criteria are overly restrictive and [we] suggest review. Covid-19 admissions to critical care should be guided by clinical needs regardless of age.” Their study was published on May 4, but the highly selective triaging would continue — and it was already too late for many patients.

Death ward
It was a feature of the darkest weeks of the pandemic that patients would be informed of key life-and-death decisions without their families present, as the wards would be mostly off-limits to visitors because of the risk of infection.

The NHS withdrew into itself as the waves of cases hit the hospitals. It suspended the publication of critical care capacity figures, which meant nobody outside the corridors of power would be able to tell whether hospitals were being overrun, and issued a general ban on information to the media without sign off from central command.

Pressure was also exerted on NHS staff to prevent public disclosure of problems on the wards. Some trusts were alleged to have trawled staff social media accounts and given dressings-down to medics who mentioned PPE shortages or staff deaths. One surgeon working at a hospital in west London said: “There was an active drive by certain trusts to tell doctors to shut up about it because they didn’t want the bad publicity.”

So while most of the UK were hunkered down in their homes, few knew what was actually going on inside the hospitals.

When Vivien and her sister were allowed in to see their father Raymond in East Surrey Hospital they found a red “do not enter” sign emblazoned on the door to his ward and a porter guarding the entrance.

Vivien, a 54-year-old charity volunteer, says the scene was heartbreaking: “To see people just dying, all around you … It was like something out of a Victorian war scene. With nobody doing anything to help them.” Vivien’s sister was furious: “My sister said to one of the nurses, ‘Why are you allowing them to suffer? You wouldn’t treat a dog like this.’”

Their father passed away that day without being taken into intensive care. The family complained to the hospital and received a profusely apologetic letter back written by the health trust’s chief nurse, Jane Dickson, on behalf of the chief executive.

“I want you to know how sorry I am that we let your father down,” she wrote. “We have been reflecting on our initial response to the Covid-19 pandemic and I regret to say there are aspects of our care that we got wrong.” Dickson conceded that “routine tasks of supporting our patients to eat and drink suffered” because staff were “overwhelmed” and there was a shortage of staff with the necessary skills.

The letter stated the clinical team did not think “a more intensive level of care was appropriate given [Raymond’s] level of frailty”. The hospital said later in a statement that he had not been “denied the care he needed”. It added there was sufficient capacity to treat him in intensive care if this had been appropriate.

Raymond’s family find it mystifying that more was not done to get oxygen into his body. “There were other options they could have tried that may or may not have worked,” said Vivien. “But there was not that option. It was just that he wasn’t on the list.”

The family also queried why Raymond or the other patients in his ward were not taken to the Nightingale Hospital in London, which was fully equipped with oxygen and ventilators and was supposed to have a capacity of 4,000 beds — but only ever treated 54 people. “To me [the Nightingale] was like a bit of a smokescreen, a facade, because I don’t understand why they didn’t use it,” said Vivien.

The doctors on the ground say the Nightingale was beset by problems from the start. There was a struggle to recruit adequately trained staff from other hospitals that were already overstretched and medics were reluctant to refer patients because of concerns over the unknown standard of care.

One ambulance clinician who was drafted to work at the Nightingale explained that it was mainly set up to treat “younger patients who were on less respiratory support” and fewer underlying illnesses.

“But, actually, those patients were few and far between and they got prioritised on hospital intensive care units anyway because they were more likely to have a good outcome,” the clinician said. “And actually people who are a bit older or had more comorbidities were the ones we were having those more realistic discussions with.”

The NHS said it had never been the case that Nightingale hospitals were “mainly equipped” for young patients.

A stark contrast
Data obtained by Insight show that many other patients of Raymond’s age were denied access to intensive care at the height of the pandemic. The figures highlight a stark contrast that more than half of those who died of the virus in hospital during the first wave were aged over 80 and yet only 2.5% of patients of this age group were admitted to intensive care.

The data comes from the government’s best monitor of what happened in hospitals during the outbreak. It was collected from 65,000 people who were admitted to hospital with the virus up to the end of May and were analysed by the Covid-19 Clinical Information Network (Co-Cin), which reports to the Sage advisory committee.

The figures show that there was a significant decrease in the proportion of people in England and Wales who had received intensive care before they died as the outbreak progressed. In the two middle weeks of March, 21% of those who died of the virus in hospital had been given intensive care treatment.

Yet as the pressure on the NHS increased through April, the proportion of critically ill patients who received intensive care before they died dropped to just 10% by the beginning of May. However, when the hospitals began dealing with far fewer patients in July, the numbers dramatically increased to 29%.

The main reason for this appears to have been that some hospitals were rationing the numbers of patients over the age of 60 who were given access to intensive care. In the middle weeks of March, 13% of that age group admitted to hospital with the virus were given an intensive care bed. By the start of May, that figure had more than halved and was down at 6%. Once again, as the pressure eased on hospitals in July, this increased back to 11%.

The official version given by ministers and the NHS was that critical care beds were still available throughout the height of the outbreak, which was certainly true for some hospitals in areas less badly hit by the virus.

But we have spoken to a number of doctors who paint a harrowing picture of the extreme choices that were being taken on the wards in virus hotspots in central and southeast England that were overrun with patients needing intensive care. At their request, we have protected their identity because they are afraid their NHS management teams could take disciplinary action against them for speaking out.

A senior intensive care doctor who was working in the same southeast region as the East Surrey Hospital where Austin died confirmed that medics were forced to choose between patients who needed intensive care beds contrary to claims that everyone received the care they required. “I don’t think the public have ever been aware of just how bad things were and indeed how bad things could get again,” she said. “Hospitals had to ration intensive care admittance. I hate to use the word ration, but it’s what was happening.”

She described how by early April her bosses realised that her hospital’s intensive care capacity would quickly be breached if they admitted all the Covid patients who would normally receive that level of care. So they began using the parameters of age, clinical frailty score and co-morbidities to help choose between patients – the same variables recommended by the government-commissioned Covid-19 triage tool.

She said that in normal times those who were very frail would sometimes not be offered invasive ventilation because of their low survival chances and the health complications the procedure can cause. But, she added, what was happening on the Covid wards was very different to that.

“The respiratory physicians and the ward medics were finding this incredibly, incredibly difficult,” she said. “They were having to turn people down for critical care and the respiratory physicians were getting upset, because usually we would give those people a shot.”

The rationing of intensive care to elderly people who would have been given such treatment if there was more capacity was “widespread” within hospitals at the time, she says. “Colleagues in intensive care reached out to me from across the country for support. They were saying, ‘This is going on at my hospital, this is feeling really bad.’”

She and fellow doctors were angered by the government’s positive messages about how the NHS was coping. “Every evening at the [televised media] briefing you just couldn’t recognise anything that they were saying. It was so discordant with what we were seeing. They’d made it all up. It was completely bizarre – picking certain statistics to highlight how well they were doing versus other countries when actually, particularly in London, it was an absolute car crash.”

London bore the initial brunt of the first wave with the highest number of intensive care admissions and the doctors found the extent of the triaging they were forced to do particularly tough. A surgeon working at a hospital in the west of the city said: “A lot of patients who we will in normal times say, ‘Okay, we’ll admit them to intensive care to give them a chance in the knowledge that they might well not make it’ … for those patients that chance was not given.”

This is confirmed by Professor Christina Pagel, director of University College London’s Clinical Operational Research Unit. “There is no doubt that there are people that would have got intensive care at the beginning of March or in June that didn’t get it in April because of capacity,” she said.

By Wednesday April 8, the numbers of people dying of the coronavirus each day exceeded a thousand and hospitals in other areas were beginning to take drastic measures. A senior doctor working in the intensive care wards of one of the major hospitals in the Midlands has described the difficult decisions that were taken.

“We were limited by the capacity, the number of beds we had and the worry that if we filled our intensive care units up with frail, older patients we’d be unable to take the younger patients,” he recalled. “As we got busier, our admission criteria and the people that were being admitted significantly changed to not admitting those that were elderly.”

He said his hospital’s admission criteria was based on a version of the ‘Covid-19 Decision Support Tool’ which had been prepared for ministers on March 28. The management of his NHS trust had sent the tool to medics saying “it had been produced to help guide decision-making regarding admissions to critical care,” he said.

As a result of applying the scores in the tool, he says, “we got to the point where we almost didn’t have anyone in critical care who was over 75. Whereas we had been admitting that age group at the beginning.” But the tool was applied so rigorously that the hospital kept dozens of intensive care beds free that were not used for the over-75s.

The elderly, he says, were not even offered non-invasive ventilation as they were left to die in the non-intensive care wards. As a result, 90% of the hospital’s deaths from the virus happened on the wards and just 10% received intensive care during the height of the pandemic in April.

He admits that his colleagues would often have to tell a “white lie” to patients suggesting it was in their best interests to be cared for on the wards. “But the reality of the situation was actually it was because we were facing multiple admissions of younger, fitter patients at that point, and we just couldn’t accommodate the elderly at the rate that they were coming in.”

But he says it was easier to exclude the elderly from intensive care because the fear of infection meant there were no families visiting who might challenge the decision. “Certainly for some of the fitter 75 year olds we could have taken, we should have taken [into intensive care] and we probably would have done as a result of pressure from families,” he said.

This selective approach continued into May and the elderly were only admitted to intensive care again when patient numbers began to drop in the summer.

The clinician blames the prime minister’s late lockdown for placing doctors in such an invidious position during those months. “We would have had fewer patients admitted in that short period of time so we would have been able to offer the best in terms of intensive care capacity for each and every single one of them.”

Identify the frail
The prime minister was touch and go for a while but was able to return to the ward from intensive care on Thursday April 9. On that day an extraordinary document was distributed by the Buckinghamshire NHS Trust asking clinicians and GPs to urgently “identify all patients who are frail or in the latter stages of life and score them based on their level of frailty”. The purpose was to draw up a list of those who might stay at home when they became seriously ill rather than be taken to hospital.

The document made clear that the move was necessary because intensive care was “expected to far outweigh capacity by several thousand beds over the next few weeks in the southeast region due to Covid-19” and that there was “a limited staff base to look after sick patients in our hospitals.” It said the approach it was setting out was being adopted by clinical commissioning groups across England.

The trust was asking doctors to scour the lists it was providing from registers of care home, palliative, frail and over 80-year-old patients and give them a score. If the patients scored seven on the frailty scale – which was anyone dependent on a carer but “not at risk of dying” – the trust recommended that it would be better that they remained at home rather than be taken into hospital.

The document said that the decision should take into account the patient’s circumstances and family’s wishes when deciding on hospital admission but it was “ultimately a decision for the clinicians involved”. In a statement last week the Buckinghamshire trust said every patient who needed hospital treatment was admitted.

However, this type of selection made some doctors feel uneasy. One GP in Sutton, south London, described how his health authority had made “inappropriate” demands on his practice to contact elderly and frail patients to discuss their future care plans in a way that ruled them out for hospital treatment and told him “we’re going to be analysing the numbers.”

He said the authority had identified dozens of his practice’s patients who would be asked to accept ‘do not resuscitate’ orders or agree that they would forgo hospital care in the future. The health authority instructed him to talk to the patients and log their decisions on a centralised system named Coordinate My Care which ambulance staff could then access to see whether a patient had opted out of hospital care, according to its website.

The doctor said he was “told to get a certain percentage” of patients on the authority’s list “signed up”. In the end, he only contacted a handful because he felt the conversation was “damaging to patient-doctor relationships” and he says his practice was ticked off by the health authority for not fulfilling their instruction.

Similarly difficult conversations appear to have taken place across the country. The Coordinate My Care system has been in operation for ten years but there was a huge increase of 34,000 patients added to its list in the first six months of this year.

Last week, Dr Dino Pardhanani, GP lead for Sutton on behalf of NHS South West London, defended the approach. He said the discussion of future care plans with patients was “established best practice and the Covid-19 outbreak did not change that”.

As the crisis was reaching its height on April 10, Good Friday, NHS England weighed in with its own advice to health authorities setting out the groups of elderly people across the country who it said “should not ordinarily be conveyed to hospital unless authorised by a senior colleague”

The list was very broad. It included all care home residents and patients who had asked not to receive an intravenous drip or to be resuscitated. It effectively suggested that those who had accepted do not resuscitate orders might be denied general hospital care. There was also an exclusion for dementia patients with head injuries and people who had fainted and appeared to have “fully recovered” – but only if they were over the age of 70.

The advice was withdrawn in just four days after there was an angry backlash. Martin Vernon, the NHS’s former national clinical director for older people, said it had been a “flagrant breach” of equality laws. “It seemed to suggest that people in care homes and older people generally have less value, and therefore it’s quite reasonable to exclude them from the normal pathway of care,” he said.

An NHS statement said the advice had been brought in to make sure that ambulance crews consulted with senior control room colleagues about whether patients could be more safely treated outside of hospital.

But there was no doubt that the measures to protect the NHS did have a significant effect. Just 10% of the 4,000 Covid deaths registered in the last week of March and first week of April occurred outside hospitals, according to figures from the ONS. Yet in the fortnight spanning the end of April and beginning of May, some 45% of the 14,000 people who died of the virus had not been taken into hospital.

They were people like Brian Noon, a “fit and strong” 76-year-old RAF veteran, who had tested positive for the virus after attending the A&E department at the Lancaster Royal infirmary on Good Friday.

The hospital sent Noon home and arrangements were made for him to be checked twice a day by a rapid response nursing team who were already visiting to monitor his terminally ill wife, Desley, 77. On Easter Sunday, his daughter Kerry says she spoke to one of the nurses and was told she needed to talk to him about agreeing to a “do not resuscitate” order. The nurse warned, Kerry says, that an ambulance would refuse to take him to hospital if he did not have such an order in place.

The family initially decided not to discuss the issue with Noon because he had a “fear of death” and it might upset him. The next day the nurse returned to say their father would no longer be sent to hospital if his condition worsened. “It was not a discussion,” his eldest daughter Maria said. “We were told there had been a change to the plan and dad wouldn’t be going to hospital.”

They were not aware at the time just how sick their father had become. It was only weeks later that they were shown the rapid response team’s logs which recorded a plummet in his oxygen from 91% on Easter Sunday to 79% the following Tuesday.

The guidance from the British Thoracic Society is that oxygen levels below 94% are abnormal and require assessment for urgent treatment. However, his nursing team had repeatedly written “oxygen therapy not required” in his records and despite his desperate condition noted that “no further escalation [of treatment] is intended or considered appropriate”.

His oxygen levels had dropped to 44% when he died on Wednesday April 15. His family were left in the dark as to why he was not given the treatment he required. His GP told them that “vulnerability scores” were being used by the health service in the area but it is not known whether Noon was assessed in this way.

If they had applied the Covid-19 Triage Tool seen by Insight, Noon would have been excluded from intensive care because of his age, frailty and diabetes. The family now wants a full explanation.

“Dad did not receive timely and crucial medical care and as a direct result, he died a horrific and excruciatingly painful death,” said Maria. “We feel like Dad’s been murdered. They were killing off the elderly and the vulnerable. If you’re elderly, don’t you need more care, don’t you need more compassion?”

Dr Shahedal Bari, medical director of University Hospitals of Morecambe Bay NHS Foundation Trust, which was responsible for Noon’s care, said it was “working with the family to answer all of their questions”.

Ultimately thousands of frail and elderly people across Britain died at home without hospital treatment. Caroline Abrahams, director of the charity Age UK, has accused the government of being too fearful of the “endless news coverage of people dying outside in hospital corridors or banked up in ambulances” and alleges that older people were “considered dispensable” as a result. “The lack of empathy and humanity was chilling. It was ageism laid bare and it had tragic consequences,” she said.

Carnage in care homes
The discharge of up to 25,000 hospital patients into care homes during the pandemic’s height was becoming a highly controversial move. By Friday April 17 there had been almost 10,000 excess deaths in the homes and yet the policy of allowing patients to be transferred into them without first being tested for the virus had only ceased the day before.

Indeed hundreds of patients were also being sent to homes even though they had tested positive. In response to a request from the department of health to make more beds free in hospital, councils such as Bradford instructed the care home sector to bear the responsibility for looking after hospital patients for the duration of their illness.

Such policies wreaked havoc in the homes where staff had even less protective equipment than the hospitals and would often spread the virus as they worked shifts in different premises. A third of all care homes declared a coronavirus outbreak, with more than 1,000 homes dealing with positive cases during the peak of infections in April, according to the National Audit Office. During the three months of the first wave of the pandemic, 26,500 more people died in care homes than normal.

Many of those who died were simply refused care. David Crabtree, an owner of two care homes in West Yorkshire, is angry about the way many of his residents were left to die and were denied access to hospital.

A hospital patient had been forcibly discharged back into one of his homes without a test and developed symptoms for Covid-19 at the beginning of April. As the patient’s condition deteriorated, the home called an ambulance but a clinician on the end of the phone refused to send one. “We were told there was a restriction on beds and to treat as end of life,” Crabtree said. The resident died a few days later in the second week of April.

The single infection had already spread quickly to others in the home. In the days that followed a total of seven more residents died from the virus and not one was admitted to hospital. “I couldn’t believe what we were being told,” he said, “they were denying people because of age.”

But in the middle of the month, the policy of the hospital changed and infected residents were admitted. “The peak dropped so I don’t think there was pressure on beds. After April 15 we were able to get people into hospital.” He said five infected residents from his home were admitted to hospital at the end of the month and they all survived — raising the question as to whether the other eight would have still been alive if only they had been treated.

An Amnesty International report published this month found that the numbers of care home residents admitted to hospital decreased substantially during the pandemic, with 11,800 fewer admissions during March and April in England compared to previous years.

Medics have also described how the care home sector was left to fend for itself. An intensive care doctor in the Midlands said: “I can’t remember seeing anybody from a care home who had tested positive who was brought into hospital, not a single one.”

Turned away
At Johnson’s first prime minister’s questions in the Commons on Wednesday May 6 after his return to work the previous week, he conceded that there had been a tragedy in the care homes. “There is an epidemic going on in care homes, which is something I bitterly regret,” he said.

However, there were still very sick people who were being turned away from hospitals. Betty Grove, 78-year-old grandmother from Walthamstow, northeast London fell ill at the end of April with a cough and low oxygen levels and went to Whipps Cross Hospital in east London on the advice of her GP.

The hospital found she had pneumonia and a collapsed lung and, yet, still sent her home four hours later because, according to her daughter Donna, they feared she might become infected with Covid-19. She may well have already had the virus, especially given her symptoms. But, Donna says the hospital refused to test her mother because they would have to admit her to do so. It was a Catch-22.

Over the next ten days, Betty, a retired Co-op worker of 25 years, “grew weaker” and began struggling for breath. Donna says she called her local trust’s rapid response team repeatedly — sometimes twice a day — asking for help for her mother. “I was insisting that they needed to come out and check her,” she said.

Betty died at home of pneumonia on May 15. Her family believes she would have survived if she had been admitted when she first went to hospital. Barts Health NHS Trust has since apologised to the family for Grove’s treatment and launched an internal investigation.

Donna said: “I get that they did have enough on their plate. They had Covid … but it doesn’t mean to say they can push these people aside and just let them go home to die.”

Tragic delay
The first wave’s death toll left tens of thousands of families across the country in mourning. But for many that sadness has turned to anger as they have learned more about how their loved ones died and question whether they could have been saved with better medical care.

The families who spoke to this newspaper have great sympathy with NHS staff who worked night and day risking their own lives while isolating themselves away from their own families. More than 600 health service staff have themselves died from Covid-19. A mental health crisis is now feared within the NHS because of the emotional strain of being forced into making so many harrowing life and death decisions.

Instead the focus of the relatives has fallen on the government whose late lockdown allowed so many to become infected. More than 2,000 families have formed the Covid-19 Bereaved Families for Justice UK group and in the summer they wrote to the prime minister and the health secretary demanding an immediate statutory inquiry into their handling of the pandemic. They asked to meet Johnson and Hancock to put their questions in person. Both requests have been refused by the government’s lawyers.

Elkan Abrahamson, the human rights lawyer representing the group, said the families are driven by a desire to prevent more unnecessary deaths during this second wave of the pandemic. But, he added, the government’s legal department had “clearly been told to ferociously fight any attempt to elicit the truth about the first wave”.

The government’s response
In response to this article, a statement for the Department of Heath said: “From the outset we have done everything possible to protect the public and save lives.

“Patients will always receive the best possible care from the NHS and the claim that intensive care beds were rationed or that patients were prevented from receiving necessary care is false. Doctors make decisions on who will benefit from care every day, as part of normal clinical decision-making. “Since the beginning of this pandemic we have prioritised testing for health and care workers and continuously supplied PPE to the frontline, delivering over 4.2 billion items to date. We have been doing everything we can to protect care home residents including regular testing and ring-fencing over £1.1billion to prevent infections within and between care settings.”

Professor Stephen Powis, NHS national medical director, also issued a statement saying that the health service “cared for more than 110,000 severely ill hospitalised Covid patients during the first wave of the pandemic” and older patients had “disproportionately received NHS care – over two thirds of our Covid inpatients were aged over 65.”

He said: “The NHS repeatedly instructed staff that no patient who could benefit from treatment should be denied it and, thanks to people following Government guidance, even at the height of the pandemic there was no shortage of ventilators and intensive care.

“We know that some patients were reluctant to seek help, which is why right from the start of the pandemic the NHS has urged anyone who is worried about their own symptoms or those of a loved one to come forward for help.”

October 25 2020, 12.01am

The Sunday Times

Failure to involve GPs in COVID-19 test and trace ‘a disaster and a national shame’

By Luke Haynes on the 22 October 2020

GPOnline October 22nd 2020

GPs and primary care teams should have played a key role in the UK’s efforts to test, track and trace coronavirus, according to a leading global health expert who has labelled the current system ‘a disaster and a national shame’.

Speaking at an online RCGP conference, University College London’s Professor Anthony Costello questioned why primary care had been ‘bypassed totally’ in the government’s strategy to tackle the virus, and labelled its reliance on private contractors as ‘crazy’.

GPs’ ‘flexibility and innovation’, he said, made them well suited to take on a key role in responding to the pandemic – insisting that the government should have mobilised GPs instead and given them suitable funding.

Professor Costello argued that patients would prefer to speak to a GP if they tested positive for COVID-19, emphasising the importance of strong relationships between practices and their communities.

Test and trace mess

GPs have previously criticised the government’s unwillingness to tap into the expertise and experience of primary care in its response to the pandemic. Some clinicians have argued that practices should be able to carry out swab tests – or to hand out self-testing kits.

A total of £10bn was allocated by the government to spend on a national test and trace system, with private contractor Serco handed a leading role. But Professor Costello pointed to falling rates of contact tracing – with just 59.6% of close contacts of patients who tested positive for coronavirus successfully contacted and told to self-isolate in the week to 14 October.

He suggested that general practice should instead have been given £2.1bn – around £300,000 per practice – to lead the pandemic response, working hand in glove with local authorities who would also have been offered additional funding.

Professor Costello said: ‘The thing about GPs is that, as long as you give them the resources and you are not overloading them, they are fantastically innovative at making things happen because you have the flexibility to move in the directions you want.

Enhanced GP role

‘[COVID] is a health problem, if someone is identified as a case or a contact, the first thing that I would want to do if somebody told me that would be to contact my GP and discuss it with them. A lot of people will be scared and will want to know that their symptoms are being monitored.

‘Bypassing [the primary care] system by outsourcing [test and trace]… it’s crazy; I don’t know why we ever dreamed that up.’

He continued: ‘Clearly resources had to be made available so GPs were not overloaded. But, if they’ve got the right support – I would argue that with staff who are helping them to contact their patients, contact their household contacts, and work with public health and were resourced properly to do that – I think they could do a fantastic job.’

Professor Costello asked how the country may have responded if the government had set up COVID secure testing sites through primary care and sent samples to molecular virology labs.

Contact tracing

He also said that GPs would not have to take on ‘all of the work’ if the government had employed new staff to contact patients and follow up all cases, and hired enough local contact tracers to liaise with patients.

‘This is a disaster actually and a national shame. And if you compare to other countries now the situation, you can see that the UK and others like France are surging now. We know that the proportion of people testing positive is going up, hospital admissions are going up… and so are deaths.’

A Department of Health and Social Care spokesperson, said: ‘This is an unprecedented pandemic and we have taken the right steps at the right time to combat it, guided at all times by the best scientific advice, to protect the NHS and save lives.

‘General practices continue to play a vital role in our response to COVID-19, offering proactive care to at-risk patients and continuing to be there for all of us when we have health concerns.

‘We are committed to supporting the NHS and primary care services to respond to the pandemic and have provided £31.9 billion in additional funding, with £3 billion specifically to support the NHS during winter.’

GPs recently warned the government off a PCN-led test and trace system, insisting that they were overworked and did not have the funding they needed. The government previously denied plans to make GPs ‘gatekeepers’ of the struggling COVID-19 testing system as top GPs warned about a lack of capacity.

The government’s secretive Covid contracts are heaping misery on Britain

George Monbiot

Guardian October 21st 2020

Bypassing the NHS and handing crucial services to corporate executives has led to the catastrophic failure of test and trace

If you are not incandescent with rage, you haven’t grasped the scale of what has been done to us. The new surge in the coronavirus, and the restrictions and local lockdowns it has triggered, are caused in large part by the catastrophic failure of the test-and-trace system. Its £12bn budget has been blown, as those in charge of it have failed to drive the infection rate below the critical threshold.

Their failure was baked in, caused by the government’s ideological commitment to the private sector. This commitment had three impacts: money that could have saved lives has been diverted into corporate profits; inexperienced consultants and executives have been appointed over the heads of qualified public servants; instead of responsive local systems, the government has created a centralised monster.

This centralisation is perhaps the hardest aspect to understand. All experience here and abroad shows that local test and trace works better. While, according to the latest government figures, the centralised system currently reaches just 62.6% of contactslocal authorities are reaching 97%. This is despite the fact that they have been denied access to government data, and were given just £300m, in contrast with the £12bn for national test and trace. Centralisation may be a catastrophe, but it does enable huge contracts for multinational corporations.

The Conservative mantra, repeated for 40 years like a stuck record, is that the public sector is wasteful and inefficient while the private sector is lean and competitive. Yet the waste and inefficiency caused by privatising essential public health functions is off the scale. This isn’t like rail or water privatisation, where failure has caused dysfunction within a single public service. This is about the escalating collapse of national life.

The government’s irrational obsession with the private sector is symbolised by its appointment of Dido Harding to run NHS test and trace. She worked at McKinsey, Tesco and Sainsbury’s, and as chief executive of TalkTalk. After a disastrous hack of the TalkTalk database, exposing both the details of 4 million customers and Harding’s ignorance of the technology, she acquired the moniker Dido, queen of carnage, a nice pun on Christopher Marlowe’s play. In 2014 David Cameron, an old friend, made her a baroness; she sits in the House of Lords as a Conservative peer.

It would be wrong to claim she had no experience relevant to the pandemic. She sits on the board of the Jockey Club, which runs some of the biggest and most lucrative horse racing events in the UK. Among them is the Cheltenham Festival. By 10 March, it was clear that Covid-19 was a massive problem.Public health experts were frantically urging the government to take action. The epidemiology professor Neil Ferguson estimated that 20,000 lives would have been saved if the government had locked down a week earlier than it did. Many events had already been cancelled, for fear of spreading the disease.

Then we watched aghast as the Cheltenham Festival went ahead, and 250,000 people packed the terraces “like sardines”. It appears to have been a super-spreader event, blamed by some for a spike in infections and deaths.

The racing connection might not have commended her to doctors, but could it have commended her to the health secretary, Matt Hancock? For a long time Hancock, the MP for Newmarket, where the Jockey Club has major infrastructure and investments, has drawn a large proportion of his political funding from the horse-racing industry. An investigation by the Mirror estimates that he has received £350,000 in donations from wealthy people in the racing business. Before the last election he announced: “I’ll always support the wonderful sport of horse racing.”

Harding’s appointment is not the only intersection between racing and tracing. The Jockey Club’s premier annual event is the Grand National. Or, to give it its full title, the Randox Health Grand National. One of the government’s most controversial contracts is with Randox. It gave the global healthcare firm a £133m deal, without advertisement or competition, to supply testing kits.

Randox employs as a consultant the former Conservative environment secretary Owen Paterson. It pays him £100,000 a year for 200 hours of work. Neither he, nor Randox, nor the health department answered the Guardian’s questions about whether he had helped to secure this deal. In July, following a series of errors,the government withdrew Randox testing kits, on the grounds that they might be unsafe.

These apparent connections may be entirely coincidental. But in an emergency, when decisions must be made with the utmost rigour and a relentless focus on public health, there should be no possibility that other interests might intrude, or that ministerial judgment should in any way be clouded.

Like so much surrounding this pandemic, the identity of Harding’s team at NHS track and trace was withheld from the public, until it was leaked to the Health Service Journal last month. Clinicians were astonished to discover that there is only one public health expert on its executive committee. There is space, however, for a former executive from Jaguar Land Rover, a senior manager from Travelex and an executive from Waitrose. Harding’s adviser at the agency is Alex Birtles, who, like her, previously worked for TalkTalk. She has subsequently made a further appointment to the board: Mike Coupe, an executive at another of her old firms, Sainsbury’s.

The “world-beating” test-and-trace system she oversees has repeatedly failed to reach its targets. Staff were scarcely trained. Patients have been directed to nonexistent testing centres, or to the other end of the country. A vast tranche of test results was lostThousands of people, including NHS staff, have been left in limbo, unable to work because they can’t get tests or the results of tests.

Having demonstrated, to almost everyone’s dissatisfaction, that she was the wrong person for the job, Harding has now been given an even bigger role, as head of the National Institute for Health Protection, to run concurrently with the first one. This is the government’s replacement for Public Health England, which it blames for its own disasters. Harding’s appointment looks to me like a reward for failure.

The test-and-trace system might be a public health fiasco, but it’s a private profit bonanza. Consultants at one of the companies involved have each been earning £6,000 a day. Massive contracts have been awarded without competitive tendering. Astonishingly, at least one of these, worth £410m and issued to Serco, contains no penalty clause: even if Serco fails to fulfil its terms, it gets paid in full. Serco has indeed missed its targets, achieving an average by September of only 58.6% of contacts traced, against the 80% it was meant to reach.

Though this is an issue of great public interest, the contracts have been shrouded in secrecy. We have not been allowed to discover how the contractors were chosen, or why the government has repeatedly appointed them without competition. Time and again, in contracts for both the test-and-trace programme and protective equipment, sums of £108m have been disbursed. No one can explain why this magic number keeps recurring. Does it lie just below some threshold of accountability? Or is the government simply handing out standard wads of money to favoured companies, regardless of the cost of their work?

What is this about? Why is failure rewarded? Why are contracts issued with so little accountability or transparency? There may be a perfectly reasonable explanation, but you might expect the government’s Anti-Corruption Champion to investigate. Or perhaps not. He is John Penrose MP, Dido Harding’s husband.

The anti-corruption champion sits on the advisory board of a thinktank called 1828. It campaigned ferociously against Public Health England, on the grounds that its efforts to regulate junk food and reduce obesity “curtail personal liberty and undermine parental responsibility”: a standard industry talking point. It called for the body to be scrapped: this happened, and Penrose’s wife is running its replacement. It claims that “the NHS’s record is deplorable” and proposes that it be replaced with a social health insurance system. It champions the idea of outsourcing patients to the Cayman Islands for treatment. When I asked the thinktank who its major funders are, it told me, “1828 does not disclose information regarding donations.”

Penrose and Harding met when they were both employed as consultants at McKinsey. You’d never guess which company got the contract for advising on the “vision, purpose and narrative” of the National Institute for Health Protection, the new body that Harding runs. OK, you would. McKinsey was paid £563,000. Again, this work was neither advertised nor subject to competitive tender. I expect Penrose will look into it.

The head of Serco, Rupert Soames, is the grandson of Winston Churchill and the brother of a former Tory MP. His wife, Camilla, is a Conservative party donor. An email of his, leaked in June, suggested that the coronavirus pandemic could go “a long way in cementing the position of private sector companies in the public sector supply chain”. It seems to me that the emergency is being leveraged by the government for this purpose. Our crisis is the privatiser’s opportunity.

The government has bypassed the lean and efficient NHS to create an outsourced, privatised system characterised by incompetence and failure. The system’s waste is measured not just in pounds, but in human lives. It is measured in mass unemployment, economic crisis, grief, isolation, long-term illness and avoidable death. So much for the efficiencies of privatisation.

• George Monbiot is a Guardian columnist

Cowper’s Cut: Is the government’s covid response driven by incapacity, incompetence or malice?

Health Service Journal October 19th 2020

Andy Cowper on governments’ ‘comms big, real problems away ambition’, the PM’s three-tier local alert system and concerning TAT performance.

In any really bad situation (let’s say, for example, enduring, glaring and huge failures during a pandemic of a government-sponsored, inexpertly-led and private sector-delivered programme aspirationally called Test And Trace), the key question seeks clarity. Specifically, that key question goes something like this: which is our biggest problem here: incapacity, incompetence, or malice?

Until we are clear what the nature of the really big problem is, it obviously can’t be fixed.

The Cummings-Johnson government is led by campaigners (Mr Dominic Cummings) and former journalists (Mr Boris Johnson and Mr Michael Gove): these are people whose career-fundamental belief is that you can “comms” big, real problems away.

HSJ readers know that you cannot “comms” big, real problems away. They have watched past attempts to do that fail, often with disastrous consequences for patient safety and care quality.

The gulf between Mr Cummings’ lengthily-blogged ambition for a “data-and-delivery-driven” government and the ongoing lousy performance of Test And Trace prove that he is neither a serious person, nor one with the slightest clue of how to fix big, real problems. The chasm between his writing about an intersection of decision-making, technology, high performance teams and government”, and what the government he jointly leads has delivered, could scarcely be more ironic, nor wider.

Tiers of a clown

This week saw prime minister Johnson announce a new three-tier local alert system, with different rules in the medium (Tier One), high (Tier Two) and very high (Tier Three) alert localities.

“But hang on!” I hear you ask, “what happened to the government’s covid-19 Five Alert Levels? You know, the Nandos scale one?’

Ah, our communications genius of a prime minister has decided that was too confusing, and this new “simpler and standardised” approach will be better.

But if it’s “simpler and standardised”, why can gyms open in Lancashire but not Liverpool, and vice versa for soft play areas and car boot sales? This looks a lot like two different categories in Tier Three.

Simpler and standardised? Or the right hand not knowing what the further-right hand is doing? Moreover, the basis for areas’ categorisation into these three/four tiers seems somewhat ambiguous, as House of Commons Library statistician Carl Baker pointed out.

The PM’s speech launching the new three/four tier system concluded with the line “I am as convinced as I have ever been that the British people have the resolve to beat this virus”.

Ah, it’s “resolve” that beats the virus? Not a functioning test and trace system, and proper incentives to self-isolate? No, no. Bring the “resolve”.

Cracks in the scientists

It’s been an interesting week for watching the chief scientists.

In the briefing following the PM’s speech CMO Chris Whittyinitially said that while he wasconfident the measures would help to slow the spread of the virus further, but then warned that the “absolute base” of measures included in Tier 3 would “absolutely not be sufficient” for driving down infection rates and that there were “quite a lot more additional things” which would be needed to be done on locality by locality basis. Deputy CMO Professor Jonathan Van Tam clearly took a similar view during the negotiations with leaders of the Greater Manchester region this week.

Just after the “tiers” announcements, the latest working papers from the government’s Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (SAGE) were released. Their document, “Summary of the effectiveness and harms of different non-pharmaceutical interventions” (dated 21 September 2020), is a powerful read.

It states that “a package of interventions will need to be adopted to prevent this exponential rise in cases. Single interventions are unlikely to be able to reduce incidence. If schools are to remain open, then a wide range of other measures will be required. The short- list of non-pharmaceutical interventions that should be considered for immediate introduction include:

  • A circuit-breaker (short period of lockdown) to return incidence to low levels.
  • Advice to work from home for all those that can.
  • Banning all contact within the home with members of other households (except members of a support bubble)
  • Closure of all bars, restaurants, cafes, indoor gyms, and personal services (e.g. hairdressers)
  • All university and college teaching to be online unless absolutely essential.

“The more rapidly these interventions are put in place the greater the reduction in covid-related deaths and the quicker they can be eased. However, some restrictions will be necessary for a considerable time”.

TAT: “marginal impact” and likely decline

This SAGE report also states that “an effective test, trace and isolate (TTI) system is important to reduce the incidence of infections in the community. Estimates of the effectiveness of this system on R are difficult to ascertain. The relatively low levels of engagement with the system (comparing ONS incidence estimates with NHS Test and Trace numbers) coupled with testing delays and likely poor rates of adherence with self-isolation suggests that this system is having a marginal impact on transmission at the moment. Unless the system grows at the same rate as the epidemic, and support is given to people to enable them to adhere to self-isolation, it is likely that the impact of Test, Trace and Isolate will further decline in the future”.

The SAGE conclusions tally with findings of this detailed analytical paper in the journal Nature, which concludes that “lockdowns, especially nationwide ones, can be avoided or be less stringent if countries can put in place comprehensive (and, in the extreme, universal) and effective testing and contact tracing systems; provide information to individuals and local public health bodies in a timely manner; create a sense of trust and responsibility; and put in place economic and social support that helps to increase participation in testing, contact tracing and adherence to isolation advice”. Well, quite.

If this were a country run by an heroically mendacious and untrustworthy government, we might expect them to start anonymously briefing the media against the scientists, which by complete coincidence is what this current administration has chosen to do.

Circuit breaker

The Opposition leader Sir Keir Starmer responded to the government announcement and the SAGE paper’s conclusions by making a big judgment call for a 2-3 week “circuit breaker” national near-lockdown.

This strikes me as both appropriate and astute. The SAGE report recommendations ignored by the government gave Mr Starmer the ammunition he needed, and the consistent support for stricter measures if needed seen in public opinion polling will have helped him. Two of the government’s scientific advisers also told the FT that thousands of deaths – between 3,000 and as many as 107,000 – could be avoided by January if a circuit breaker lockdown is imposed over the school half-term at the end of this month.

If Mr Starmer is correct in his judgment that a 2-3 week lockdown is now inevitable, Test And Trace must be re-plumbed to move its resources under leadership of DPHs in the first few days after that decision is made.

Cracks in M*tt’s TAT’s stats (again)

In the least surprising event of this week, the Test And Trace system which is essential to getting the current Second Cummings Wave under some sort of control once again returned dismal performance figures. The latest data show that just 62 per cent of contacts of those infected are reached by this programme. Regular readers know that this needs to be over 80 per cent to make the programme effective.

M*tt’s TAT’s stats remain abysmal. With the upswing in infection numbers, this could not be more important. M*tt’s TAT is now in a vicious downwards spiral of failure: it fails to contact people who have been exposed to people proven infected with covid-19, and so infections increase. This then makes the contact tracing job that M*tt’s TAT could already not do even bigger and harder.

This is an iterative failure loop. It is neither clear that this government adequately recognises the depth of shit in which this leaves the country, not that it has a clue how to achieve change.

Dido’s lament

Conservative peer, NHS Improvement chair and TAT leader the noble Baroness Harding of Winscombe deigned to pop her head above the parapet to give the Sunday Times an interview, in which she laments that “everyone wants to believe that test and trace is a silver bullet. It has never been and it never will be”.

Life comes at you fast, eh? Dido’s lament is a long way from M*tt H*nc*ck’s statement on 23 April that “This test, track and trace will be vital to stop a second peak of the virus”. And an equally long way from the PM’s “world-beating” system promised five months ago in May.

Nor is it a reflection on why TAT’s performance in contact tracing is not just inadequate, but actually getting worse.

Baroness Harding adds, wash your hands, wear a facemask. Keep your distance. That’s more of a silver bullet than anything Test And Trace can do”. This seems very much like the noble Baroness washing her hands of responsibility for the massive ongoing failure of the programme that she is meant to lead.

Oh, and if this government wanted to further decrease public confidence in TAT, it could do something profoundly counter-productive like arrange for data on those infected and told to self-isolate to be shared with the police, for enforcement and fining purposes. As HSJ exclusively revealed they have done. Yes, that may well be the sound of people hastily deleting the covid-19 app from their phones.

Cracks in TAT’s management consultants and outsourcers

The lack of performance delivery/enforcement clauses for the outsourcers’ and management consultants’ abysmal performance of their roles in the test and trace programme has been getting some new attention this week. HSJ readers know that I wrote about these issues a month ago, linking to and quoting those contracts. This week care minister Helen Whately explained in a written Parliamentary Answer that “contractual penalties are often unenforceable under English law so they were not included in test and trace contracts with Serco or Sitel”.

This is incorrect, according to the prominent lawyer and commentator David Allen Green. His whole Twitter thread is (as usual) worth reading: “this means the Minister and the government has had poor commercial law advice: the rule against contractual penalties is more lore than law.

“What happens is the big powerful supplier objects to any contractual protections, saying ‘penalties are not enforceable’ and the government then nods along and deletes the clause. The current leading case on contractual ‘penalties’ (and they deserve a scare quote) is this 2015 Supreme Court Case. Five years later, government ministers seemingly unaware of the legal position.

“But the Urban Legend of ‘contractual penalties are unenforceable’” dies hard – and so ruthless and canny suppliers exploit this, and often get all and any contractual protections removed by gullible and inexperienced government departments. Ms Whately is correct in saying penalties may not be enforced – but where she and other ministers err is in their understanding of what can constitute an unenforceable contractual penalty All sorts of contractual protections are available to the government, if they want to use them”.

The scale of TAT’s spending on management consultants was laid bare by Ed Conway of Sky News, who found that executives from Boston Consulting Group are being paid day rates of around £7,000 – equivalent to an annual salary of around £1.5 million. This followed his story that Deloitte consultants working on TAT, as I noted last week.

Test And Waste

All that money. All those management consultants. And TAT is still tat. It is almost an impressive achievement, in a perverse way. Given its huge cost and ongoing ineptitude at contact tracing, maybe it should be rebranded Test And Waste”.

Still, it seems as if the management consultants and outsourcers are starting to notice that they’ve been noticed. See this from outsourcers Serco: “Serco has had no involvement in developing or managing the covid-19 app and does not have overall responsibility for the test and trace programme”. The fickle finger of blame is not-so-subtly directed towards the management consultancies: ah, those long legal meetings getting ready for the oncoming public inquiry must just fly by. The outsourcing/management consultancy blame-game has a long way to run yet.

Indeed, Serco’s unscheduled Q3 business update states that in the UK, we have been awarded extensions to our contracts to provide test sites and call handlers for NHS test and trace, which is an indication of our customer’s satisfaction with the quality of work we have delivered”.

Yes, that is the same Serco which is doing the contact tracing work, which TAT’s performance data repeatedly shows is getting worse.

Serco’s chief executive Rupert Soames, who famously hoped that the covid-19 TAT contract would “go a long way in cementing the position of the private sector companies in the public sector supply chain” and “if we do it well maybe people will say that they did it well so it [private sector involvement] is a good thing”, seems curiously unamenable to the public and political scrutiny of performance that goes with public money. It’s a tough old world.

The spending is so huge. Those interested in investigating it further should follow the Good Law Project and the Spend Network resources.

Grotesque grift and graft

The grotesque grift and graft don’t seem to stop: the FT revealed that the Department for Health But Social Care gave a £280,000 consulting contract to Elorehai Ltd, the family business of Debbie White, former chief executive of collapsed outsourcer Interserve, who had been given an unpaid public sector role running coronavirus testing centres.

This grift and graft are starting to turn the stomachs even of some in those industries profiting. I am grateful to sources in the Big Four management consultancy, outsourcing, tech and testing provider sectors for getting in touch with some fascinating anecdotes.

Contacts in the management consultancy sector have heard reports that the BCG total bill amounted to £22 million for 16 weeks work. The Sky News report cited above had information from documents suggesting “the government has paid BCG around £10m for a team of around 40 consultants to do four months’ work on the testing system between the end of April and late August”. I am also told that there were only 30 BCG consultants. If these reports are accurate, you have to wonder how the final BCG bill reached that number?

More than one ‘Big Four’ management consultancy source also suggested that the BCG consultants’ day rates of around £7,000 cited in Ed Conway’s report represent about three times what would be accepted as an industry day rate average.

The chaos around the missing 16,000 records discussed last week was partly driven by the national TAT data system relying on a 2006 version of Microsoft Excel, which used CSV functionality that was taking the zeros off the front of phone numbers and rearranging dates of birth.

The level of likely fraud in the PPE provision scramble may turn out even higher than we have so far seen. Only after transactions on the DHSC’s departmental credit card were blocked by banks because of the brand-new-ness of some supplier ‘companies’ did meaningful checks for fraudulence ensue. One transaction was reportedly traced to the account of a pub in the West Country, with enforcement officials having to be sent in to get the money refunded.

I’m also told that the slooooooow updating of the DHSC’s ‘Reasonable Worst Case Scenario’ to combine the effects of a No Deal Brexit and the Covid19 upsurge going pear-shaped is still not done. The current draft apparently considers the likelihood of troops on the streets to maintain civil order in January 2021.

Meanwhile, hospitals are filling up, and the heatmaps are getting hotter. Good luck, and be careful.

Andy Cowper Andy Cowper is contributing editor of HSJ

‘On the verge of collapse’ as outsourced tracing fails to contact almost 250,000 people

“The Government is wasting hundreds of millions on a system that doesn’t seem to function or even use basic common sense.”

London Economic October 19th 2020

The outsourced test and trace system has failed to reach nearly a quarter of a million close contacts of people who have tested positive for coronavirus, according to a new analysis.

Private firms Serco and Sitel failed to contact 245,481 contacts in England either online or from call centres over four months – missing nearly 40% of contacts, the figures show.

Labour said the figures show test and trace is “on the verge of collapse” and highlight the need for a short national lockdown to allow the Government to fix the system.

HEALTH Coronavirus Testing
(PA Graphics)

The Government defended the system, saying test and trace is “breaking chains of transmission” and had told 900,000 people to isolate.

Boris Johnson pledged in May that the system, which has cost £12 billion, would be “world-beating” and a successful tracing programme has long been hailed as a way to ease lockdown measures.

Severest restrictions

Labour’s analysis of official figures released this week showed more than 26,000 people in the week up to October 7 were not contacted in north-west England, where the Liverpool region and Lancashire have been plunged into the severest restrictions.

The Prime Minister has threatened to impose the Tier 3 measures on neighbouring Greater Manchester, even if local leaders do not consent because they are demanding greater financial support.

Shadow Cabinet Office minister Rachel Reeves said: “We are at a decisive moment in our efforts to tackle coronavirus, and these figures are a new low for a test and trace system on the verge of collapse.

“The Government is wasting hundreds of millions on a system that doesn’t seem to function or even use basic common sense.

“The Prime Minister must act now to reverse this trend. That is why Labour is calling for a short, sharp circuit break to fix testing, protect the NHS and save lives.”

The figures showed that the private firms did reach 372,458 contacts in the period of the data, May 28 to October 7.

“Complex” cases – which include outbreaks linked to hospitals, care homes, prisons or schools – are handled by local health protection teams, which statistics show have far higher rates of success.

Circuit-breaker

A Department of Health and Social Care spokesman said: “We’re continuing to drive forward local contact tracing as part of our commitment to being locally led, with more than 100 Local Tracing Partnerships now operating, and more to come.”

He added that, when including local teams, 84% of contacts had been traced “where communication details were provided”.

This week Labour leader Sir Keir Starmer called for Mr Johnson to implement a two to three-week national circuit-breaker lockdown so test and trace can be improved.

The Prime Minister on Friday continued to resist the move, which has been suggested by the Government’s Scientific Advisory Group for Emergencies (Sage), but said he “can’t rule anything out”.

Sage has also said in recently published documents that the system was only having a “marginal impact” on Covid-19 transmission.

Alarming new data shows the UK was the ‘sick man’ of Europe even before Covid

Richard Horton

Guardian October 18th 2020

A global study has exposed how poorly prepared Britain was for a virus that targets our most vulnerable people

  • Richard Horton is a doctor and edits the Lancet
A person wearing a mask walks past a Covid warning sign in Liverpool

I’t’s no accident that Liverpool, which scores high on the list of the UK’s most deprived places, was the first region to be classified as very high risk.’ Photograph: Phil Noble/ReutersSun 18 Oct 2020 13.00 BST

Our health is determined by far more than a single virus. This week, a team of scientists in Seattle, together with thousands of contributors around the world, assembled 3.5bn pieces of data to construct what they are calling the Global Burden of Disease. The story this data tells us about Britain is alarming. On some of the most important measures of health, the four nations of the United Kingdom perform worse than our nearest neighbours. Even with coronavirus out of the picture, Britain is the sick man, woman and child of Europe.

The headline findings from the report are clear. In 2019, life expectancy at birth in the UK was 82.9 years for a woman and 79.2 years for a man (the average for both was 81.1 years). These numbers look good, especially when compared with historical figures. In 1950, for example, the average life expectancy at birth for a UK citizen was 68.9 years. The combined effects of economic growth, better education and an improved NHS have delivered an extra 12 years of life. Impressive.

That is until you start comparing the UK with other European countries. When you do this, you find we have seen smaller increases in life expectancy than the western European average. Spain and Italy, for example, both had an average life expectancy at birth of 83.1 years in 2019. In France, it was 82.9 years, Sweden 82.8 years and Germany 81.2. The western European average life expectancy was a whole one year longer than in the UK.

Another important measure is what’s known as healthy life expectancy – the years of life we spend in good health. The average healthy life expectancy for the UK in 2019 was 68.9 years, meaning that people in the UK spend an average 12.2 years living with some kind of illness. And again, when one compares the UK with other European nations, we perform poorly.

In fact, Britain has the worst healthy life expectancy of any other European country. We come bottom of the league table, alongside Monaco. We’ve seen a slower improvement in healthy life expectancy (3.6 years) than the western European average (5.8 years). And the situation for children is equally bad: the under-five mortality rate in the UK in 2019 was 4.1 deaths per 1,000 live births – one of the worst performances in western Europe, second only to Malta. Whatever metric one chooses, the UK’s health performs worse than comparable European nations.

There’s a similar pattern at play across the four nations. Scotland has the lowest life expectancy (79.1 years), followed by Northern Ireland (80.3 years), Wales (80.5 years), and England (81.4 years). What’s going on?

The major causes of Britain’s poor health are noncommunicable diseases such as diabetes, chronic respiratory disease and dementia. The Global Burden of Disease shows that deaths from alcohol and drug use have increased by 280% and 166% respectively over the past 30 years. And the health of our nation is not uniform across the country. There’s an eight-year difference in life expectancy between the north and the south of the UK. Life expectancy is highest in Richmond (84.5 years) and lowest in Blackpool (76.4 years) – worse than the average for China, Turkey, Thailand, Cuba, Chile, Jordan and even the US.

These differences in life expectancy hold a mirror up to the inequalities across our nation. The lowest 10 expectancies in England skew towards the poorest places in the north-west and north-east of the country: Blackpool, Middlesbrough, Hull, Liverpool, Hartlepool, Rochdale, St Helens, Sunderland, Blackburn and Manchester. And here one finds an interesting and important correlation. Is it a coincidence that the worst life expectancies in England track the upsurge in coronavirus? I don’t think so.

The pandemic is not the making of a single coronavirus, but the combination of three epidemics: the virus, the chronic conditions that make people more susceptible to it, and a situation of deepening poverty and inequality. A single pandemic is too simple a narrative to capture this reality. What we’re faced with in Britain is a “syndemic” – a synthesis of epidemics.

The reasons we have been so devastated by this virus are reflected in the Global Burden of Disease in 2019, which exposes how poorly Britain was prepared for a virus that targets the least healthy in our society. Overcoming this crisis will involve far more than just preventing transmission. To protect our communities from coronavirus we will need to address the underlying diseases that leave people vulnerable, and the inequalities that scar our society.

This government has so far failed to offer an adequate strategy for either. Take obesity as an example. After Boris Johnson contracted coronavirus, he promised to make tacking this condition a priority, conceding that “losing weight, frankly, is one of the ways you can reduce your own risk from coronavirus”. But the government has so far left the root causes of obesity – the junk food industry, the difficulty of accessing affordable healthy produce, and the fact that many people in poverty lack the time to prepare food from scratch – untouched.

The virus has exposed the inequalities that divide our society. It is deprived areas such as Bolton and Rochdale where infections have been endemic. It’s no accident that Liverpool, which scores high on the list of the UK’s most deprived places, was the first region to be classified as very high risk in Johnson’s recalibrated approach to Covid-19.

Yet the government remains silent on a plan for reversing or reducing these disparities that have left our citizens so unprotected. Beyond empty platitudes and promises to “level up” the country, Johnson rarely if ever talks about inequality. And when he does, Johnson frames the subject in positive terms; in 2013, he famously quipped that “some measure of inequality is essential for the spirit of envy and keeping up with the Joneses that is, like greed, a valuable spur to economic activity”. It’s this tolerance for inequality that explains why Britain has such gaping disparities in life expectancy between rich and poor areas, and why the virus has hurt those latter places so badly.

At the beginning of the pandemic, 1.5 million people in England were deemed at sufficiently high risk of coronavirus to require shielding. The unfortunate truth is that far more people in the UK are at risk than this number suggests. As work from University College London revealed earlier this year, when one includes those over 70 years of age, and those who are under 70 but live with chronic diseases such as diabetes or cancer, the actual number at risk in the UK is more than 8 million people.

This pervasive political indifference to inequality, combined with a decade of cuts to the most basic social protections, has left our nation exquisitely vulnerable to the arrival of this virus. A national revival is possible. But only if our government takes the health of its citizens seriously. The signs so far are that it does not.

• Richard Horton is a doctor and edits the Lancet

Exclusive: Police given access to Test and Trace data on those told to self-isolate

Health Service Journal October 17th 2020

The contact details of those who have been instructed to self-isolate by NHS Test and Trace are to be passed to the police on request, in a move that has alarmed senior health figures who are concerned it will undermine confidence in and co-operation with testing regime, HSJ has learned.

The Department of Health and Social Care updated its online guidance on how coronavirus test information will be treated late last night. The new guidance reveals how information about those who are told to self-isolate because they have tested positive for coronavirus or are the close contact of someone who has tested positive will be handled (see box below).

This includes details on how police forces will be able to access contact details of those told to self-isolate. This aspect of the guidance applies only to England, not the devolved UK nations.

HSJ has learned the updated guidance followed the signing of a memorandum of understanding governing the sharing of the data between the DHSC and the National Police Chiefs Council, acting on behalf of local police forces, last weekend.

A senior source close to the issue told HSJ the MoU had been put in place after health secretary Matt Hancock made an “incredibly forceful” intervention to ensure that data sharing arrangements were clarified.

HSJ understands an MoU was necessary as there is no statutory basis on which the information could be shared. The information is to be supplied via Public Health England, which reports directly to the health secretary, rather than via arm’s-length body NHS Digital. PHE holds the information on who has been told to self-isolate, but data sharing is uusally faciltated by NHS Digital in its role as the “national data guardian”.

HSJ understands the office of chief medical office Chris Whitty expressed significant reservations about the move, fearing that it would discourage people from being tested.

A DHSC source said: “The [CMO’s office] are worried that people will simply stop getting tested because it just opens them up to the risk of being tracked by police and fined, and so the department is creating a strong disincentive to testing, which creates a big public health risk.”

Another senior source with detailed knowledge of NHS Test and Trace operations told HSJ: “T&T are concerned about anything that puts people off getting tested and this will — especially the people we most need to come forward.”

Among those who Test and Trace are keenest to reach are those from black, Asian and minority ethnic communities, who are often more vulnerable to the virus and have seen higher covid infection rates.

Speaking at last week’s HSJ Digital Strategy Summit, NHSX head of inequalities Shabira Papain said research it had undertaken during the pandemic showed that “trust in the NHS and in government agencies is really poor and is diminishing” among some BAME communities.

Ms Papain said “people were really worried” about whether the NHS “would share people’s details with other agencies”, particularly the immigration authorities and the police.

However, a senior government source defended the sharing of limited information with the police, saying that it was a “balanced and pragmatic solution” to a “tricky problem”.

They argued that making self-isolation legally enforceable was an appropriate “quid pro quo” for the financial support now given to those people by government, and that – therefore – the police needed the information they required to help ensure compliance.

A DHCS spokesperson said: “It is a legal requirement for people who have tested positive for covid-19 and their close contacts to self-isolate when formally notified to do so.

“The DHSC has agreed a memorandum of understanding with the National Police Chiefs Council to enable police forces to have access on a case-by-case basis to information that enables them to know if a specific individual has been notified to self-isolate. The memorandum of understanding ensures that information is shared with appropriate safeguards and in accordance with the law. No testing or health data is shared in this process.”

What the new guidance says

The updated guidance says that anybody who has been “instructed to self-isolate by NHS Test and Trace” will be regularly contacted “by phone and text… to provide advice and support and check you are self-isolating”.

It continues: “If we try to call you but receive no response after three attempts or you tell us you are not self-isolating; the following data will be passed to your local authority.”

This information would include a person’s name, the address at which they are self-isolating, their contact details, and information about when they were instructed to self-isolate.

The guidance explains: “Your local authority will investigate further to find out if you need support with self-isolating or have a reasonable excuse not to self-isolate.”

It then adds: “If there is evidence to suggest you are not complying with the duty to self-isolate without reasonable justification, your local authority may pass this information on to local police forces to investigate further. This may lead to enforcement action being taken against you, which could include you being fined.”

The guidance also states: “A police force may request information relating to positive COVID-19 tests from the NHS Test & Trace programme directly, where they are investigating a report of someone who may not be complying with the mandatory self-isolation period.”

HSJ understands that police forces looking for information on those who are meant to be self-isolating will ring a helpline on a case by case basis.

The guidance lists “police forces in England” as “data controllers” for the testing information.

It also says those who test positive for coronavirus “must” contact their employer. The previous guidance only “strongly recommended” it.

It also reveals that landline and mobile phone numbers are being collected, along with postal and email addresses.

Consultants’ fees ‘up to £6,250 a day’ for work on Covid test system

Global firm BCG charged £10m over four months to deal with UK test and trace network, source says, as Tory reliance on private sector seen to grow

Guardian October 14th 2020

Coronavirus test centre at Twickenham stadium, London, September.

Virus test centre at Twickenham stadium, London, September. The government has awarded accountancy firms KPMG and EY, as well as BCG, roles in its test-and-trace scheme. Photograph: Guy Bell/Rex/Shutterstock

Management consultants are being paid as much as £6,250 a day to work on the British government’s struggling coronavirus testing system, sources have confirmed.

Senior executives from Boston Consulting Group (BCG) are being paid fees equivalent to £1.5m a year to help speed up and reorganise the £12bn network that Boris Johnson said in May would be “world-beating”.

The figures, first disclosed by Sky News, come amid growing concern about the cost of the UK’s Covid-19 testing system, which has been criticised for being slow, disorganised and unable to cope with rising demand.

BCG, one of the largest and most prestigious consultancies in the world, charged £10m for 40 people to work on the virus test-and-trace programme over the course of four months, a source with knowledge of the contract said.

Individual consultants from the firm could earn £2,400 a day; the most senior consultants up to £7,360, sources confirmed. BCG then offered discounts of between 10% and 15% on different parts of the project.

BCG declined to comment.

Publicly available data collated by the Spend Network show that BCG has been awarded contracts worth at least £18.3m for work related to the pandemic.

This included two £5m contracts for “strategic support” and “digital support” for the test and trace programme, a £4.5m contract with the Department for International Development for a project on accelerated Covid economic support, and £1.6m for a Covid-19 consultancy task force from the Cabinet Office.

Other projects include work on the UK’s food security, and advice on vaccine manufacturing.

The rates far outstrip those paid to public-sector workers – just 1% of civil servants are paid more than £80,000 a year.

The coronavirus test and trace system collapsed last month after schools reopened following the lockdown. Figures on 17 September showed that almost nine in 10 of all Covid-19 tests in England were taking longer than 24 hours to produce results.

Since then, the government has relied upon private-sector involvement, while Lady Harding, the head of the programme, has faced calls for her resignation.

BCG’s 40 workers are only a small fraction of the 1,000 consultants employed by Deloitte on the system.

Staff from consulting firms, including KPMG, have been put on standby to work on “back office” parts of the system on a short-term basis over the next six months, it emerged last month. Among the firms thought to have been contacted for help is EY.

None of these appointments has been announced publicly, no costings have been published, and there is no information about how the Department of Health and Social Care (DHSC) will secure value for money from the consultants.

The Guardian disclosed last week that the government has become increasingly reliant upon management consultants, with spending on the top eight firms rising by 45% to more than £450m in three years.

BCG was one of the lowest earning of the eight firms and received around £7m from central government funds for consultancy work during 2019/20, figures from the data provider Tussell showed. Deloitte was the biggest winner, earning fees of £147m from public funds.

Two weeks ago the minister in charge of curbing Whitehall spending, Theodore Agnew, wrote a letter to senior civil servants saying the civil service had become “infantilised” by an “unacceptable” reliance on expensive management consultants.

The DHSC said: “NHS test and trace is the biggest testing system per head of population of all the major countries in Europe. It’s processing 270,000 tests a day, and nearly 700,000 people who may otherwise have unknowingly at risk of spreading coronavirus have been contacted.

“To build the largest diagnostic network in British history, it requires us to work with both public and private sector partners with the specialist skills and experience we need. Every pound spent is contributing towards our efforts to keep people safe as we ramp up testing capacity to 500,000 tests a day by the end of October.”

Government spending on Covid consultancy contracts rises to £175m

Chair of parliamentary committee expresses ‘shock’ and announces investigation

Guardian October 16th 2020

The bill for private consultants hired by the government to help combat the coronavirus pandemic has climbed to £175m, as the chair of an influential parliamentary committee revealed that MPs would investigate the multimillion pound use of management consultancies.

The government has bought consulting services from almost 90 different companies as it scrambled to fill gaps in the civil service’s pandemic response.

Disclosed spending on consultants has risen by £65m since the end of August, a 35% increase, according to contracts collated by the data company Tussell.

The newly disclosed spending included work on setting up and running the malfunctioning test-and-trace system, procuring medicines, buying personal protective equipment and supporting the government’s contact-tracing app.

The rapid increase in the consultancy bill in recent weeks to a new total of £175m was partly driven by belated publication of contracts. Tussell’s analysis showed that government bodies took 80 days on average to publish the contracts. The statutory maximum is 30 days.

The latest figures emerged in the same week it was revealed that executives at Boston Consulting Group, the fourth biggest recipient of coronavirus consulting contracts, were being paid as much as £6,250 a day to work on the struggling NHS test-and-trace system.

The government’s reliance on expensive management consultants has come under scrutiny during the pandemic. Lord Agnew, the Cabinet Office and Treasury minister, last month said the civil service had been infantilised by an unacceptable reliance on consultants.

Meg Hillier, the chair of the public accounts committee, said on Thursday she was shocked by the increase in consultancy costs, adding that her committee had launched an inquiry into the government’s use of consultants.

“What on earth are they doing? It is a very steep increase in a very short space of time. You cannot just tear up the rules and dish out taxpayers’ money in this way,” Hillier said.

Referring to the delay in publishing contracts, she said: “Not publishing them on time is not acceptable and there is no excuse. At a time when we have given the government huge powers to bypass the usual tendering process the government should be more transparent not less.

“It appears as if there is a general disdain for parliament and the public. The public are not fools.”

Many of the largest contracts – including those published in the last 45 days – date from March or April, when the government brought in the emergency procurement rules.

The largest consulting firms have been among the biggest beneficiaries. The value of contracts awarded to Deloitte has risen to £22.7m while its rival PricewaterhouseCoopers’s has increased to £24.4m, according the latest data. Senior partners in consulting firms often charge thousands of pounds for a day’s work.

The Cabinet Office, which has coordinated much of the government’s pandemic response, was the biggest single buyer of consulting services, with £53.8m of contracts awarded. The Department of Health and Social Care has spent £44.2m on consultants.

Tamzen Isacsson, the chief executive of the Management Consultancies Association, a lobby group, said consultants can provide the government with skills and value for money.

“Government departments have faced an unprecedented volume of workload with Brexit planning and Covid-19 and using external resources has enabled the government to work quickly and with intensity on major initiatives,” she said.

A government spokesman said: “We are building a huge diagnostic network and to achieve this we need to work with both public- and private-sector partners who have the specialist skills and experience we need, to work at pace.

“Every pound spent is contributing towards our efforts to keep people safe as we ramp up testing capacity to 500,000 tests a day by the end of October.”

Government spending on Covid consultancy contracts rises to £175m

Chair of parliamentary committee expresses ‘shock’ and announces investigation

Guardian October 16th 2020

The bill for private consultants hired by the government to help combat the coronavirus pandemic has climbed to £175m, as the chair of an influential parliamentary committee revealed that MPs would investigate the multimillion pound use of management consultancies.

The government has bought consulting services from almost 90 different companies as it scrambled to fill gaps in the civil service’s pandemic response.

Disclosed spending on consultants has risen by £65m since the end of August, a 35% increase, according to contracts collated by the data company Tussell.

The newly disclosed spending included work on setting up and running the malfunctioning test-and-trace system, procuring medicines, buying personal protective equipment and supporting the government’s contact-tracing app.

The rapid increase in the consultancy bill in recent weeks to a new total of £175m was partly driven by belated publication of contracts. Tussell’s analysis showed that government bodies took 80 days on average to publish the contracts. The statutory maximum is 30 days.

The latest figures emerged in the same week it was revealed that executives at Boston Consulting Group, the fourth biggest recipient of coronavirus consulting contracts, were being paid as much as £6,250 a day to work on the struggling NHS test-and-trace system.

The government’s reliance on expensive management consultants has come under scrutiny during the pandemic. Lord Agnew, the Cabinet Office and Treasury minister, last month said the civil service had been infantilised by an unacceptable reliance on consultants.

Meg Hillier, the chair of the public accounts committee, said on Thursday she was shocked by the increase in consultancy costs, adding that her committee had launched an inquiry into the government’s use of consultants.

“What on earth are they doing? It is a very steep increase in a very short space of time. You cannot just tear up the rules and dish out taxpayers’ money in this way,” Hillier said.

Referring to the delay in publishing contracts, she said: “Not publishing them on time is not acceptable and there is no excuse. At a time when we have given the government huge powers to bypass the usual tendering process the government should be more transparent not less.

“It appears as if there is a general disdain for parliament and the public. The public are not fools.”

Many of the largest contracts – including those published in the last 45 days – date from March or April, when the government brought in the emergency procurement rules.

The largest consulting firms have been among the biggest beneficiaries. The value of contracts awarded to Deloitte has risen to £22.7m while its rival PricewaterhouseCoopers’s has increased to £24.4m, according the latest data. Senior partners in consulting firms often charge thousands of pounds for a day’s work.

The Cabinet Office, which has coordinated much of the government’s pandemic response, was the biggest single buyer of consulting services, with £53.8m of contracts awarded. The Department of Health and Social Care has spent £44.2m on consultants.

Tamzen Isacsson, the chief executive of the Management Consultancies Association, a lobby group, said consultants can provide the government with skills and value for money.

“Government departments have faced an unprecedented volume of workload with Brexit planning and Covid-19 and using external resources has enabled the government to work quickly and with intensity on major initiatives,” she said.

A government spokesman said: “We are building a huge diagnostic network and to achieve this we need to work with both public- and private-sector partners who have the specialist skills and experience we need, to work at pace.

“Every pound spent is contributing towards our efforts to keep people safe as we ramp up testing capacity to 500,000 tests a day by the end of October.”